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Gender Differences in Recognition for Group Work
Gender Differences in Recognition for Group Work
Heather Sarsons
Heather Sarsons, Klarita Gërxhani, Ernesto Reuben, and Arthur Schram
∗
∗
February 4, 2019
September 15, 2019
Abstract
Abstract
Does gender influence how credit for group work is allocated? Using data from
Does gender influence how credit for group work is allocated? Using data from
academic economists’ CVs, I test whether coauthored and solo-authored publications
academic economists’ CVs, we test whether coauthored and solo-authored publica-
matter differently for tenure for men and women. Because coauthors are listed alpha-
tions matter differently for tenure for men and women. Because coauthors are listed
betically in economics, coauthored papers do not provide specific information about
alphabetically in economics, coauthored papers do not provide specific information
each contributor’s skills or ability. Solo-authored papers, on the other hand, provide
about each contributor’s skills or ability. Solo-authored papers, on the other hand,
a relatively clear signal of ability. I find that conditional on publication quality and
provide a relatively clear signal of ability. We find that conditional on publication
other observables, men are tenured at roughly the same rate regardless of whether
quality and other observables, men are tenured at roughly the same rate regardless of
they coauthor or solo-author. Women, however, become less likely to receive tenure
whether they coauthor or solo-author. Women, however, become less likely to receive
the more they coauthor. The result is most pronounced for women coauthoring with
tenure the more they coauthor. The result is most pronounced for women coauthoring
men and less pronounced among women who coauthor with other women. An on-
with men and less pronounced among women who coauthor with other women. Two
line experiment finds similar patterns when women perform male-stereotyped tasks.
experiments suggest that both stereotypes surrounding a task as well as the evalua-
However, women receive equal credit for joint work with men when the task is per-
tors’ gender affect who receives credit. Taken together, our results are best explained
ceived to be gender-neutral. Taken together, the results suggest that gender and stereo-
by gender and stereotypes having a noticeable influence on the allocation of credit for
types influence the allocation of credit for group work.
group work.
∗
∗
I especially thank Roland Fryer, Claudia Goldin, Larry Katz, David Laibson, and Amanda Pallais for
Sarsons, University of Chicago Booth (heather.sarsons@chicagobooth.edu); Gërxhani, European Uni-
their guidance and encouragement. I also thank Mitra Akhtari, Amitabh Chandra, John Coglianese, Oren
versity Institute; Reuben, New York University Abu Dhabi and LISER; Schram, Amsterdam School of Eco-
Danieli, Ellora Derenoncourt, Florian Ederer, Ben Enke, Raissa Fabregas, Nicole Fortin, Peter Ganong, Ed-
nomics and European University Institute. Sarsons especially thanks Roland Fryer, Claudia Goldin, Larry
ward Glaeser, Siri Isaksson, Sara Lowes, Rob McMillan, Eduardo Montero, Gautam Rao, Alex Segura, Nihar
Katz, David Laibson, and Amanda Pallais for their guidance and encouragement. We also thank Mitra
Shah, Peter Tu, Justin Wolfers, and participants at SOLE 2016, the Early Behavioural Economics Conference,
Akhtari, Amitabh Chandra, John Coglianese, Oren Danieli, Ellora Derenoncourt, Florian Ederer, Ben Enke,
the Harvard Business School Gender Initiative, and the Harvard Inequality Seminar for helpful comments
Raissa Fabregas, Nicole Fortin, Nickolas Gagnon, Peter Ganong, Edward Glaeser, Siri Isaksson, Emir Ka-
and suggestions. This paper is intentionally solo-authored.
menica, Sara Lowes, Rob McMillan, Eduardo Montero, Gautam Rao, Alex Segura, Nihar Shah, Peter Tu,
Jeroen van de Ven, Justin Wolfers, and various conference and seminar participants for their helpful com-
ments and suggestions.
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1 Introduction
1 Introduction
Do employers use gender when allocating credit for group work, particularly when in-
Do employers use gender when allocating credit for group work, particularly when in-
dividual contributions are unobserved? Organizations increasingly rely on group work
dividual contributions are unobserved? Organizations increasingly rely on group work
for production (Lazear and Shaw, 2007), yet there is little empirical evidence document-
for production (Lazear and Shaw, 2007), yet there is little empirical evidence document-
ing how credit for group work is allocated. Unless employers can perfectly observe each
ing how credit for group work is allocated. Unless employers can perfectly observe each
worker’s contribution to the team’s output, they must decide how to allocate credit with-
worker’s contribution to the team’s output, they must decide how to allocate credit with-
out having full information as to what each worker did. This could leave room for demo-
out having full information as to what each worker did. This could leave room for demo-
graphic characteristics, such as gender, to influence the allocation of credit.
graphic characteristics, such as gender, to influence the allocation of credit.
In this paper, I test whether uncertainty over an individual’s contribution to a project
In this paper, we test whether uncertainty over an individual’s contribution to a project
leads to differential attribution of credit that contributes to the gender promotion gap. In
leads to differential attribution of credit that contributes to the gender promotion gap. In
many industries, women are not only hired at lower rates than men are, they are also
many industries, women are not only hired at lower rates than men are, they are also
promoted at lower rates.
promoted at lower rates.
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This paper explores whether gender differences in credit for
This paper explores whether gender differences in credit for
group work exist and whether they explain part of the promotion gap.
group work exist and whether they explain part of the promotion gap.
I primarily look at the tenure decisions of academic economists to test whether gender
We primarily look at the tenure decisions of academic economists to test whether gen-
influences the allocation of credit for coauthored papers. Economics is a relevant setting
der influences the allocation of credit for coauthored papers. Economics is a relevant
as there is a large tenure gap between men and women, and because the amount of coau-
setting as there is a large tenure gap between men and women, and because the amount
thoring has risen dramatically in recent years (Ginther and Kahn, 2004; Hammermesh,
of coauthoring has risen dramatically in recent years (Ginther and Kahn, 2004; Hammer-
2013). Using data from economists’ CVs, I track individuals’ career trajectories and com-
mesh, 2013). Using data from economists’ CVs, we track individuals’ career trajectories
pare whether the trajectory is different for individuals who coauthor versus solo-author,
and compare whether the trajectory is different for individuals who coauthor versus solo-
and whether there is a difference by gender.
author, and whether there is a difference by gender.
Within economics, I find that men and women who solo-author most of their work
Within economics, we find that men and women who solo-author most of their work
have similar tenure rates conditional on a proxy for the quality of papers. However, an
have similar tenure rates conditional on a proxy for the quality of papers. However, an
additional coauthored paper is correlated with an 8.2% increase in tenure probability for
additional coauthored paper is correlated with an 8.2% increase in tenure probability for
men but only a 5.6% increase for women. This gap is significantly less pronounced for
men but only a 5.6% increase for women. This gap is significantly less pronounced for
women who coauthor with women, suggesting that the attribution of credit is related
women who coauthor with women, suggesting that the attribution of credit is related
to the gender mix of coauthors. Furthermore, a man who coauthors is no less likely to
to the gender mix of coauthors. Furthermore, a man who coauthors is no less likely to
receive tenure than a comparable man who solo-authors even though there is presumably
receive tenure than a comparable man who solo-authors even though there is presumably
more uncertainty as to how much work he did. A counterfactual exercise suggests that
more uncertainty as to how much work he did. A counterfactual exercise suggests that
this difference in credit allocation explains 60% of the unconditional gender gap in tenure
this difference in credit allocation explains 60% of the unconditional gender gap in tenure
rates and 84% of the gap that remains after controlling for average paper quality, citations,
rates and 84% of the gap that remains after controlling for average paper quality, citations,
tenure and PhD institution ranks, and field.
tenure and PhD institution ranks, and field.
To ensure that I am not picking up on ability differences between men and women, I
To ensure that we are not picking up on ability differences between men and women,
control for the quality of papers using both journal rankings and citations, allowing for
we control for the quality of papers using both journal rankings and citations, allowing
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Blau and DeVaro (2007), for example, find that across jobs, women are less likely to be promoted than
Blau and DeVaro (2007), for example, find that across jobs, women are less likely to be promoted than
men conditional on worker’s performance and ability ratings. In the UK, female managers are nearly 40%
men conditional on worker’s performance and ability ratings. In the UK, female managers are nearly 40%
less likely to be promoted than male managers (Elmins et al. 2016).
less likely to be promoted than male managers (Elmins et al., 2016).
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a comparison of men and women with similar research portfolios. The results are also
for a comparison of men and women with similar research portfolios. The results are also
robust to including other individual-level controls such as length of time to tenure and
robust to including other individual-level controls such as length of time to tenure and the
the seniority of one’s coauthors, as well as tenure year, tenure institution, and primary
seniority of one’s coauthors, as well as tenure year, tenure institution, and primary field
field fixed effects.
fixed effects.
I argue that these results are most consistent with a story of women receiving less credit
We argue that these results are most consistent with a story of women receiving less
for their joint work with men because of bias. To show this, I first use current CV and
credit for their joint work with men because of bias. To show this, we first use current
citation data to compare the productivity of men and women who did and did not receive
CV and citation data to compare the productivity of men and women who did and did
tenure at the institution where they initially went up for tenure. While the estimates are
not receive tenure at the institution where they initially went up for tenure. While the
imprecise, I find suggestive evidence that women who coauthor and are denied tenure
estimates are imprecise, we find suggestive evidence that women who coauthor and are
produce more solo-authored papers that publish in high-ranking journals than men who
denied tenure produce more solo-authored papers that publish in high-ranking journals
are denied tenure. Data on citations show a similar result.
than men who are denied tenure. Data on citations show a similar result.
I then rule out several alternative explanations for the empirical patterns. For example,
We then rule out several alternative explanations for the empirical patterns. For ex-
several papers have demonstrated that selection into coauthorship in economics is not
ample, several papers have demonstrated that selection into coauthorship in economics
random.
is not random.
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I test for selection into coauthorship and do not find any evidence that women
We test for selection into coauthorship and do not find any evidence that
coauthor with high ability or more senior men. I also look at the timing of coauthorship
women coauthor with high ability or more senior men. We also look at the timing of coau-
and find no evidence that women begin coauthoring if they have a slower start to their
thorship and find no evidence that women begin coauthoring if they have a slower start
careers. The empirical patterns are also inconsistent with taste-basted discrimination.
to their careers. The empirical patterns are also inconsistent with taste-basted discrimina-
Because the CV data does not allow me to rule out the possibility that women actually
tion.
contribute less to papers that are coauthored with men, I conduct an online experiment
Because the CV data do not allow us to rule out the possibility that women actually
designed to test whether this drives credit allocation. In the experiment, I first hire indi-
contribute less to papers that are coauthored with men, we conduct two experiments de-
viduals to complete quizzes on topics that are either male or female-stereotyped. I then
signed to test whether real or perceived differences in contributions drive credit allocation.
hire participants who act as “predictors” and are randomized into a solo treatment or a
In the first experiment, we first hire individuals to complete quizzes on topics that are ei-
group treatment. Predictors in the solo treatment are shown two individual’s separate
ther male or female-stereotyped. We then hire participants who act as “predictors” and
quiz scores while predictors in the group treatment are shown the combined score of two
are randomized into an individual treatment or a joint treatment. Predictors in the indi-
individuals. They are then asked to predict the performance of each participant on future
vidual treatment are shown two individual’s separate quiz scores while predictors in the
quizzes.
joint treatment are shown the combined score of two individuals. They are then asked to
I find that in the group treatment, women are predicted to perform worse than their
predict the performance of each participant on future quizzes.
male counterparts for male-stereotyped quizzes, suggesting that participants making the
In the joint treatment, women are predicted to perform worse than their male counter-
predictions believe that women contributed less to the combined score (that is, they per-
parts for male-stereotyped quizzes, suggesting that predictors believe that women con-
formed worse). However, if pairs performed a female-stereotyped quiz, women and men
tributed less to the combined score (that is, they performed worse). However, if pairs
are given equal credit. To understand whether these results are driven by participants’
performed a female-stereotyped quiz, women and men are given equal credit. To under-
beliefs about the ability distributions of men and women, I randomly provide some par-
stand whether these results are driven by participants’ beliefs about the ability distribu-
tions of men and women, we randomly provide some participants with the distribution of
scores on the initial quiz by gender. Women appear to be given equal credit in the female-
stereotyped quiz because participants view it as being gender-neutral. That is, they do not
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Boschini and Sjögren (2007) test whether coauthorship patterns in economics are gender neutral. They
See, for example, Boschini and Sjögren (2007), Garcia and Sherman (2015), and Bikard et al (2015).
find that women are more likely to solo-author than men and that gender homophily in coauthoring in-
creases with women’s representation in a field. Garcia and Sherman (2015) argue that the alphabetical pub-
lishing norms in economics influence both the types of people authors work with and the types of projects
they will work on.
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ticipants with the distribution of scores on the initial quiz by gender. Women appear to
realize that women tend to outperform men. Showing participants the gender distribution
be given equal credit in the female-stereotyped quiz because participants view it as being
of scores corrects this belief and women are then predicted to have a better performance
gender-neutral. That is, they do not realize that women tend to outperform men. Show-
in future female-stereotyped quizzes but it does not affect the predicted performance gap
ing participants the gender distribution of scores corrects this belief and women are then
for women and men performing male-stereotyped tasks.
predicted to have a better performance in future female-stereotyped quizzes. Surpris-
The second experiment is conducted in a more natural setting with human resources
ingly, this treatment does not affect the predicted performance gap for women and men
personnel. Following a similar design, we again test whether women are less likely than
performing male-stereotyped tasks.
men to receive credit for good group performance. We additionally elicit the HR person-
nels’ beliefs about male and female performance and find that differences in the allocation
of credit are largely driven by differences in beliefs. We also find that male HR personnel
are more likely to hire in favor of men, and women in favor of women.
This paper replicates and builds off of the results in Sarsons (2017), which shows the
This paper replicates and builds off of the results in Sarsons (2017), which shows the
basic correlational patterns between paper composition and tenure. In this paper, I repli-
basic correlational patterns between paper composition and tenure. In this paper, we
cate the results using more data and then use the C.V. data and an experiment to establish a
replicate the results using more data and then use the C.V. data and two experiments to es-
channel through which gender influences the allocation of credit. The paper also relates to
tablish a channel through which gender influences the allocation of credit. The paper also
a large literature seeking to understand difference in labor market outcomes between men
relates to a large literature seeking to understand difference in labor market outcomes be-
and women. Factors such as productivity, personality and behavioural differences (such
tween men and women. Factors such as productivity, personality and behavioural differ-
as competition aversion), and fertility preferences have been shown to explain some differ-
ences (such as competition aversion), and fertility preferences have been shown to explain
ences in career choice and progression.
some differences in career choice and progression.
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In academia in particular, studies have pointed
In academia in particular, studies have
to both supply-side factors, including differences in subject matter interest (Dynan and
pointed to both supply-side factors, including differences in subject matter interest (Dy-
Rouse, 1997) and the availability of role models (Hale and Regev, 2014; Carrell, Page, and
nan and Rouse, 1997) and the availability of role models (Hale and Regev, 2014; Carrell et
West, 2010); demand-side factors, such as implicit bias (Milkman, Akinola, and Chugh,
al., 2010); demand-side factors, such as implicit bias (Milkman et al., 2015; Moss-Racusin et
2015; Moss-Racusin et al., 2012); and institutional factors (Antecol et al., 2018). This paper
al., 2012); and institutional factors (Antecol et al., 2018). This paper directly tests whether
directly tests whether the differential treatment of work output contributes to the gender
the differential treatment of work output contributes to the gender gap.
gap.
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 describes the data and
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 describes the data and
shows that a tenure gap exists between male and female economists. In Section 3, I show
shows that a tenure gap exists between male and female economists. In Section 3, we
that the tenure gap closes as women produce more solo-authored papers but does not
show that the tenure gap closes as women produce more solo-authored papers but does
close as they produce more coauthored papers. Women have a consistently lower proba-
not close as they produce more coauthored papers. Women have a consistently lower
bility of tenure for each additional coauthored paper than men. I show that the results are
probability of tenure for each additional coauthored paper than men. We show that the
robust to accounting for attrition, and to using different journal rankings and definitions
results are robust to accounting for attrition, and to using different journal rankings and
of tenure. In Section 4, I argue that the results are in line with a story in which women
definitions of tenure. In Section 4, we argue that the results are in line with a story in which
receive less credit for joint work with men. I test alternative explanations of the relation-
women receive less credit for joint work with men. We test alternative explanations of the
ship between coauthorship and tenure and argue that none can fully explain the observed
relationship between coauthorship and tenure and argue that none can fully explain the
empirical patterns. Section 5 discusses the structure and results of the experiment. Section
observed empirical patterns. Section 5 discusses the design and results of the experiments.
6 concludes.
Section 6 concludes.
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There is a large literature documenting gender differences in productivity, attitudes toward different
There is a large literature documenting gender differences in productivity, attitudes toward different
types of work, and family choices. See, for example, Niederle and Vesterlund (2007), Antecol et al. (2016),
types of work, and family choices. See, for example, Niederle and Vesterlund (2007), Buser et al. (2014),
Ceci et al. (2014), and Ginther and Kahn (2004).
Antecol et al. (2018), Ceci et al. (2014), Reuben et al. (2017), and Ginther and Kahn (2004).
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2 Data
2 Data
To examine the relationship between paper composition and tenure, I construct a dataset
To examine the relationship between paper composition and tenure, we construct a dataset
using the CVs of economists who came up for tenure between 1985 and 2014 at one of the
using the CVs of economists who came up for tenure between 1985 and 2014 at one of the
top 35 U.S. PhD-granting universities
top 35 U.S. PhD-granting universities
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. The academic progression documented in the CVs
. The academic progression documented in the CVs
makes it possible to evaluate the relationship between an individual’s research output and
makes it possible to evaluate the relationship between an individual’s research output and
career progression. I can then compare the degree of collaborative work and reward for
career progression. We can then compare the degree of collaborative work and reward for
that work, and compare these results for men versus women.
that work, and compare these results for men versus women.
2.1 Sample Selection and Data Overview
2.1 Sample Selection and Data Overview
I include only PhD-granting institutions in the sample as tenure evaluation at these schools
We include only PhD-granting institutions in the sample as tenure evaluation at these
is primarily based on research output, of which I have a clear measure. Other institutions
schools is primarily based on research output, of which we have a clear measure. Other
like liberal arts colleges place greater weight on teaching ability for tenure, something
institutions like liberal arts colleges place greater weight on teaching ability for tenure,
that I cannot measure. I exclude business and public policy schools for similar reasons.
something that we cannot measure. We exclude business and public policy schools for
similar reasons.
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It is reasonable to assume that the top 35 economics departments in the U.S. emphasize
It is reasonable to assume that the top 35 economics departments in
research which is measured by the number and quality of papers one produces.
the U.S. emphasize research which is measured by the number and quality of papers one
produces.
One problem in collecting tenure information is that the CVs of individuals who went
One problem in collecting tenure information is that the CVs of individuals who went
up for tenure, were denied it, and left to industry or government are difficult to find, lead-
up for tenure, were denied it, and left to industry or government are difficult to find, lead-
ing to a sample selection problem. To deal with this issue, I collected historical faculty lists
ing to a sample selection problem. To deal with this issue, we collected historical faculty
from 23 of the 35 schools and locate over 90% of faculty who had ever gone up for tenure
lists from 23 of the 35 schools and locate over 90% of faculty who had ever gone up for
at these 23 institutions. For the remaining 12 schools that did not have historical faculty
tenure at these 23 institutions. For the remaining 12 schools that did not have historical
lists available, I looked at the top 75 U.S. institutions, the top 5 Canadian institutions, and
faculty lists available, we looked at the top 75 U.S. institutions, the top 5 Canadian institu-
the top 5 European institutions to locate anyone who went up for tenure at a top 35 U.S.
tions, and the top 5 European institutions to locate anyone who went up for tenure at a top
school and then moved to another institution. I also checked economists’ CVs at the ma-
35 U.S. school and then moved to another institution. We also checked economists’ CVs at
jor Federal Reserve Boards and other large research institutes, such as Mathematica, in the
the major Federal Reserve Boards and other large research institutes, such as Mathemat-
U.S. While there might still be a sample selection problem, I show in Section 3.2.1 that the
ica, in the U.S. While there might still be a sample selection problem, we show in Section
results are robust to using only the sample for which I have historical faculty lists.
3.2.1 that the results are robust to using only the sample for which we have historical
From individuals’ CVs, I code where and when they received their PhDs, their em-
faculty lists.
From individuals’ CVs, we code where and when they received their PhDs, their em-
ployment and publication history, and their primary and secondary fields. When looking
ployment and publication history, and their primary and secondary fields. When looking
at the relationship between publications and tenure in the main analysis, I only include
at the relationship between publications and tenure in the main analysis, we only include
papers that were published up to and including the year an individual goes up for tenure.
Book chapters are not included in the paper count. In a robustness check, I include papers
that were published one and two years after tenure.
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The list of institutions are taken from the RePEc/IDEAS Economics Department rankings. The list of
The list of institutions are taken from the RePEc/IDEAS Economics Department rankings. The list of
schools included can be found in Appendix A
schools included can be found in Appendix C.
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Business and policy schools might also value teaching differently and put weight on different types of
Business and policy schools might also value teaching differently and put weight on different types of
journals.
journals.
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To control for the quality of a person’s publications, I primarily use the “AER equiv-
papers that were published up to and including the year an individual goes up for tenure.
Book chapters are not included in the paper count. In a robustness check, we include
papers that were published one and two years after tenure.
To control for the quality of a person’s publications, we primarily use the “AER equiv-
alent” ranking measure developed by Kalaitzidakis et al. (2003). This measure converts
alent” ranking measure developed by Kalaitzidakis et al. (2003). This measure converts
journal publications into their equivalent number of American Economic Review papers
journal publications into their equivalent number of American Economic Review papers.
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.
Less than 10% of journal articles cannot be converted because the journal does not appear
Less than 10% of journal articles cannot be converted because the journal does not appear
in the ranking. In these cases I give the publication a ranking of zero.
in the ranking. In these cases we give the publication a ranking of zero.
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Using the AER-equivalent measure instead of a list journal rank allows for different
Using the AER-equivalent measure instead of a list journal rank allows for different
distances between journal ranks and for multiple journals to hold the same rank. For
distances between journal ranks and for multiple journals to hold the same rank. For